Asia

After a year of Russia’s war in Ukraine, can China help to end the conflict?

SOUTHEAST ASIA’S POSITION AND INFLUENCE

More than 30 countries swiftly imposed sanctions on Russia in the days after the invasion. Singapore was the only one in Southeast Asia to do so, with Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan noting the country has “rarely acted” in this way.

Singapore has continued to highlight its position after announcing the sanctions. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said the country took a strong stand because it had “chosen principles”, while the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that Russia’s decision to formally annex occupied Ukrainian regions violates international law and the United Nations Charter.

Other Southeast Asian countries have generally had an ambivalent reaction to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, according to Assoc Prof Chong.

“On one hand, (they) feel that the conflict is far away and is of little direct concern. As a result, they are willing to take a passive position and side with the victor,” he said.

“On the other, Russian aggression has added to inflation woes, especially in terms of food and energy prices. Silence on the invasion also appears like silent acceptance of the violation of sovereignty through the use of force.”

Responses from the region have been varied. Aside from Singapore, no Southeast Asian country has directly condemned Russia, according to analysis by the Sasakawa Peace Foundation in Japan. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) expressed concern but did not condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in three foreign ministers’ statements last year.

However, there have been developments in the area of defence cooperation. Russia is traditionally Southeast Asia’s largest arms supplier. In July 2022, the Philippines backed out of a US$227 million deal for 16 Russian military helicopters, choosing to buy from the United States instead. Vietnam – an historic Russian ally – held its first large-scale international defence trade show last December in a bid to diversify supply.

There have been surprises too. For instance, despite its perceived closeness with Russia and China, Cambodia’s national position evolved from refusing to take sides, to Prime Minister Hun Sen taking a phone call with Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, an academic previously pointed out.

Russian narratives about the war, and their amplification by China, also seem to have had some traction in Southeast Asia, said Assoc Prof Chong.

These include the suggestion that the conflict was a result of provocation by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and that US presence in Asia is therefore “fundamentally destabilising”.

There is also a view in some quarters that Russia invading Ukraine is “little different from the US invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, or Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory”, which further limits support for Ukraine, he said.

“The range of mixed incentives across Southeast Asia may explain why regional states have been relatively quiet about the conflict and mixed in their voting on resolutions relating to the conflict and Russia at the United Nations,” said Assoc Prof Chong.

Source: CNA

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